Война в Европа отново? Не в наше име! /Отворено писмо от 60 видни германски личности/
Отвореното писмо на 60 видни личности до правителството на Германия, публикувано на 5 декември 2014 г. в седмичника Die Zeit, предизвиква нестихващ интерес сред европейската общественост. В България за този дебат беше съобщено между другото. Премълчаването на критични мнения и алтернативни инициативи на официалния геополитически курс, прокламиран от оста Брюксел-Вашингтон, у нас не е за първи път. Защо ли?
Публикувам в блога превод на Отвореното писмо на английски език.
Оригиналният текст на писмото на немски език може да се намери на линка:
/Проф. Кр. Петков/
War in Europe Again?
Not in Our Names!’
The open letter to the German government, parliament, and
media, excerpted here, was signed by more than 60 prominent
German personalities and published in the weekly Die Zeit
on Dec. 5. The initiators were Horst Teltschik (CDU), advisor
to then-Chancellor Helmut Kohlat the time German of reunification;
Walther Stützle (SPD), former Secretary of State for the
Ministry of Defense; and Antje Vollmer (Greens), former Bundestag
Teltschik said, in motivating the appeal,
“We are giving a political signal that the justified criticism of
Russia’s Ukraine policy should not wipe out all the progress that we have made in the past 25 years in relations with Russia.”
Nobody wants war. But North America, the European
Union, and Russia are inevitably driving towards war if
they do not finally halt the disastrous spiral of threats
and counter-threats. All Europeans, including Russia,
are jointly responsible for peace and security. Only
those who do not lose sight of this goal can avoid fatal
The Ukraine conflict shows that the quest for power
and domination has not been overcome. In 1990, at the
end of the Cold War, we all hoped that it would be. But
the success of the détente policy and the peaceful revolutions
allowed people to become lethargic and careless.
In both East and West. The Americans, Europeans,
and Russians all lost, as their guiding principle, the idea
of permanently banishing war from their relationship.
Otherwise it is impossible to explain either the West’s
eastward expansion without simultaneously deepening
cooperation with Moscow—a policy which Russia sees
as a threat—or Putin’s annexation of Crimea in violation
of international law.
At this moment of great danger for the continent,
Germany has a special responsibility for the maintenance
of peace. Without the will for reconciliation of
the people of Russia, without the foresight of Mikhail
Gorbachov, without the support of our Western allies,
and without the prudent action by the then-Federal government,
the division of Europe would not have been overcome.
To allow German unification to evolve peacefully was a great
gesture, shaped by the wisdom of the victorious powers. It was
a decision of historic proportions.
Once the division of Europe was overcome, permanent peace
and security, from Vancouver to Vladivostok, should have developed, as had been agreed by all the 35 heads of state and government of the OSCE member states in November 1990, in the
“Charter of Paris for a New Europe.”. . . This goal of postwar
policy has not been achieved to this day. People in Europe are
forced to live in fear once again.
We, the undersigned, appeal to the Federal Government
of Germany to assume its responsibility for peace
in Europe. We need a new policy of détente in Europe.
This is only possible on the basis of equal security for
all and mutually respected partners. The German government
is not pursuing a go-it-alone policy, as long as
it continues to call, during this stalemate, for calm and
dialogue with Russia. The need of the Russians for security
is as legitimate as is that of the Germans, the
Poles, the Baltic States, and the Ukrainians.
We must also not push Russia out of Europe. . . .
Since the Congress of Vienna in 1814, Russia has been
a recognized global player in Europe. All who have
tried to change that have failed violently, the last being
the megalomaniacal Germany of Hitler, which set out
in 1941 to murderously subjugate Russia.
December 12, 2014 EIR International 29
We call upon the members of the German Bundestag,
delegated by the people as their political representatives,
to deal appropriately with the seriousness of the
situation. . . . Whoever is constructing a bogeyman, putting
the blame on only one side, is exacerbating tensions,
when the signals should be for de-escalation. . . .
We appeal to the media, to more scrupulously adhere
to their obligation to provide unbiased reporting than
they have hitherto done. Editorialists and leading commentators
are demonizing entire nations, without fully
taking their histories into account. Any journalist experienced
in foreign affairs would understand the Russians’
fear, since members of NATO in 2008 invited
Georgia and Ukraine to join the Alliance. It is not about
Putin. Heads of state come and go. What is at stake is
Europe. . . .
On October 3, 1990, the Day of German Reunification,
Federal President Richard von Weizäcker said:
“The Cold War has been overcome, and freedom and
democracy will soon be in place in all countries. . . . This
is a challenge. We can achieve it, but we can also fail.
We are facing the clear alternative to unite Europe or
fall back again into painful historical examples of nationalist
conflicts in Europe.”
Until the Ukraine conflict, we here in Europe
thought we were on the right track. Today, a quarter of
a century later, Richard von Weizäcker’s warning is
more apropos than ever.
[In addition to the initiators, other signers include:]
Dr. Eckhard Cordes, chairman of the Committee on
Eastern European Economic Relations for German Industry
and Business (Ost-Ausschuss)
Eberhard Diepgen (CDU), former mayor of Berlin,
1989, and later the first mayor of reunified Berlin, December
Dr. Klaus von Dohnanyi, former German Science
Minister and mayor of Hamburg, 1981-88
Dr. Roman Herzog, CDU, former German President,
Dr. Lothar de Mazière, served as the only elected
Prime Minister of East Germany in 1990, after the fall
of the Berlin Wall and before the reunification that year.
Prof. Klaus Mangold, a leader of the small and medium-
sized industrial firms (Mittelstand) in Baden-
Gerhard Schröder, former Chancellor of Germany,
Translated from German by EIRNS